Radio and television do
not enjoy as much freedom as other segments of the press because, unlike
newspapers, broadcast stations are licensed by the (1) .
The FCC does not directly
regulate news broadcasts, but stations are required to operate in (2) ;
for example, broadcasters must provide ""
to political candidates.
The FCC's (3) ""
required radio and television broadcasters to present all sides of important
public issues. It was by the
FCC in 1987.
In 1978 the Supreme Court
ruled that the government has the right to prohibit the broadcasting of
(4) language.
The strong tradition of a
free press in the United States rests on the principle, rooted in English
common law, that there must normally be no
(5) of
the press by the government.
In 1971, the federal government,
claiming that national security was endangered, tried to stop the New York
Times from continuing to publish a series based on the secret history of
the Vietnam War — the so-called (6) .
In 1979, a federal district
court judge in Milwaukee issued an order restraining The Progressive magazine
from publishing an article on how the (7)
works.
According to Justice Hugo
Black, the First Amendment reflects the Founding Fathers' view that "the
press was to serve the (8),
not the ."
When basic principles of
the Bill of Rights collide — such as the right of an accused person to
have a fair trial and the right of freedom of the press — the (9) may
be called upon to act as a referee.
In 1981, the Supreme Court
ruled that states could permit trials to be (10) .
In the mid-1970s the press
was increasingly coming under judicial restraints in the form of (11)
""
issued by courts to restrict news gathering and publication about criminal
proceedings.
The right to a fair trial
often conflicts with the First Amendment in another important confidentiality
area — that of (12)for
reporters and their news sources.
In a 1972 case, the Supreme
Court ruled that the First Amendment did not exempt news reporters from
appearing and testifying before state and federal (13) .
To assist the press in protecting
its sources, by 1996 twenty-nine states and the District of Columbia had
passed (14) for
the news media. However, many journalists preferred no such legislation,
arguing that this would violate the First Amendment by defining — and thus—
reporters' rights.
(15) has
always been an absolute defense in libel cases.
Under the New York Times
rule established in 1964, the Supreme Court has made it almost impossible
to libel a (16) unless
the statement is made with "actual malice."
In 1979, the Supreme Court
ruled that journalists who are sued for libel could be forced to produce
files or notes that disclosed their (17) ""
— their thoughts and motivations-in preparing a news story.